The always entertaining self-hating Democrat Mickey Kaus has supported Obamacare (“mess that it is”) all along.
But it’s his older argument in favor of universal healthcare more generally, as found in his influential 1992 book The End of Equality (find a New Republic magazine adaptation here), that has me feeling … let’s say equable … about the long national nightmare of Obamacare.
Kaus’s End of Equality argument, in short, was this: You can’t just have the good parts of globally competitive meritocracy. Inequality is/was going to increase. Old-school, Mondale-style reactionary liberalism, which tries to mitigate inequality through redistribution, won’t help, because you can’t create more social mobility simply by throwing more cash around. The then-novel “Skills Solution” liberalism — a la Bill Clinton and, more recently, Barack Obama — is of limited use, too. More job training programs, Pell Grants, apprenticeships, “ladders of opportunity” — try these all you want, Kaus argued, but the cream is still going to rise to the top, and the hereditarily disadvantaged are consequently going to end up feeling even more like losers.
If only for its predictive power, Kaus’s thesis, 20 years later, seems spot-on.
Kaus’s prescription was to accept the brave new world and to try to revitalize a “civic sphere” of equality. Programmatically, Kaus favored things like reinstituting the draft or AmeriCorps-style national service. In retrospect, this sounds a lot like the dodgy sort of National Greatness conservatism that was popular at the Weekly Standard in those all-too-leisurely Clinton years. (Two ugly foreign wars later, we hear a lot less of this today.)
More practically, Kaus also embraced universal healthcare.
It remains compelling to me how the welfare-reform-supporting Kaus framed this choice: Universal healthcare is not a limit on capitalism so much as it’s a tradeoff for more capitalism. The process of deregulation and global economic connectivity that began in the late 1970s, which historian Edward Luttwak later dubbed “Turbo-capitalism,” exposed workers to the vicissitudes of market capitalism more than they’d ever been throughout the 20th century.
For Kaus, universal healthcare is the tribute the new cosmopolitan elite must pay to fellow citizens who have become radically less secure.
You may not buy this idea, dear readers. But I thought I’d at least share it with you so you know where I’m coming from.



But why not push back against the negative effects of corporate state capitalism on both the economic and political fronts? Economic centralization contributes to our current atomized, high unemployment, overly competitive, efficiency centric, socially bankrupt political settlement. As Marx recognized, unchecked creative destruction undermines traditional commitments to kin, community, and church.
Shouldn’t we be trying to embed economic and political relationships in face to face bonds of trust, rather than policy centric bureaucracies? The ACA centralizes more power in the corporate state and continues to put more power in the hands of the managerial class, while undermining whatever hopes we have of returning communities and states to anything that resembles participatory governance. Instead of instituting robust anti-trust laws that would breakup the insurance oligarchy, instead of repealing a whole lot of flawed HMO laws, instead of focusing on preventative education, instead of decentralizing health care regulations and allowing for experimentation, instead of pushing toward more doctor cooperatives and a smaller bureaucratic structure–the ACA institutes more economic and more political centralization. It represents a pincer like convergence of corporate and state interests, and it contributes to the homogenization of our allegedly pluralistic political structure.
Wouldn’t a better strategy be, if we really want to enable communities to push back against the devastating effects of globalism and corporate state capitalism, a movement toward the decentralizing policies that I have mentioned, rather than the arms race that you propose. With your strategy, government must centralize power in order to compensate for the negative consequences of corporation centralizing power. In the end, communities not only lose control of their economic fate—they also lose the ability to craft their own legislation regarding such communal good as caring for the health of their citizens.