Race and the Drug War

Last Friday, Jonah Goldberg wrote a post at The Corner arguing that there is something “unlibertarian” about opponents of drug prohibition who use claims about the drug war’s disproportionate effects on blacks in an attempt to demonstrate its injustice. This post prompted a lengthy response from Reason’s Jacob Sullum, who helpfully showed up Goldberg’s claim that blacks are disproportionately affected by the drug war simply because they are “disproportionately in this line of work” for the falsehood that it is, concluding that especially in conjunction with the troublingly racist history of drug prohibition in the U.S., the disproportionate harm that the drug war inflicts on black Americans does indeed suggest an injustice that goes beyond that which libertarians would recognize in the war on drugs even if its effects had an equitable racial distribution.

Meanwhile, here’s how Goldberg responded to a reader who made some points similar to Sullum’s:

Let’s take drugs out of it. I’m in favor of the death penalty. Let’s assume blacks and white commit murder at identical rates but because blacks are poorer they get convicted and executed more than whites. I don’t think that fact alone means we should get rid of the death penalty. It means we should do a better job of executing white murderers. A justly convicted murderer should be punished regardless of his race. A justly convicted drug dealer should be punished, regardless of his race as well. If we’re punishing a disproportionately high number of blacks, that’s a sign we should crack down on more guilty whites, not give up on punishing crimes.

It’s really hard to follow the logic here. In the first place, the hypothetical crackdown that Goldberg proposes here is appropriate only if the laws in question deserve to be enforced; this is uncontroversial enough in the case of murder, but given that this very issue constitutes a huge part of what’s at stake in discussions of drug prohibition, it seems an unreasonable move to make. Moreover, doesn’t it seem that Goldberg has pretty much given up the game at this point? “Poor people are disproportionately affected by all sorts of things all the time”, he wrote earlier in this post, “and blacks are disproportionately poor. In most other spheres, libertarians don’t take that fact and bend their principles to it.” But that’s exactly what Goldberg is proposing to do in this hypothetical example! We’ve got the murder laws that we do, and they’ve got the effects that they have; whether those effects make life a bit more difficult for certain “identity politics groups” is supposed to be entirely beside the point, isn’t it? Or do Republicans only buy into identity-politicking when it can be used as an excuse for harsher sentencing penalties and enforcement of existing laws?

The more basic point, though, is this. What differentiates the case of the drug war from that of, say, the racially disproportionate effects of market capitalism or loan policies based on credit-worthiness is that drug policy is an aspect of our state-sponsored criminal justice system, and as such its societal function is essentially that of, well, doing justice, whereas private banks and the free market have only economic ends in mind. And so it’s simply astonishing to see Goldberg claiming that a government policy that leads blacks to be incarcerated at several times the rate of whites is somehow less troubling in its racial implications than affirmative-action policies that “keep Asians or Jews out of elite colleges”; neither situation is ideal, to be sure, but locking up a poor black man who couldn’t afford legal representation for selling dope on the corner is, shall we say, a bit more morally problematic than telling a Jewish kid from Scarsdale that he’ll have to go to Williams instead of Harvard. It is indeed the case that so far all this amounts to is an argument for serious and widespread drug policy reform, and not outright decriminalization; there’s nothing at all unlibertarian, however, about suggesting that one reason we might want to go one or the other of these routes is that an already disadvantaged racial group that still bears the scars of a long history of genuinely appalling treatment in this country might stand to benefit from it.

Well, that or you could just shut your mind to the facts and write, as one of Goldberg’s readers actually does, that the only evidence we need for the belief that drug dealers are disproportionately black is the disproportionate blackness of the “victims of drug dealing-related murders”. Because it’s certainly not as if there could be another explanation for that.

(Cross-posted at @TAC.)

     Filed under: civil liberties, libertarianism

No Responses to “Race and the Drug War”

  1. This is a bit tangential, but I think relevant: one of the problems with any kind of racial profiling is that it becomes self-reinforcing. If you have any two populations, and (for the sake of argument) they have the same likelihood of possessing that trait, but you check one population twice as often, you’ll average out to finding the trait about twice as often. The rate at which you find the trait for each group will be the same, but that’s not how the human mind works. A cop who frisks twice as many black people than white people and so finds more drugs on black people doesn’t say “Well, I frisked twice as many black people, so I’ll bear that in mind.” He says to himself, “boy, I’ve found a lot of drugs on black people.”

  2. [...] to John, I am pointed to these two rather strange arguments in favor of the Drug War and against [...]

  3. While there may be much racial profiling in the “Drug War” itself, and police activity in general, this is a symptom and not a cause of the disproportionality in what Freddie terms as the rate (a.k.a. incidence)at which drug crimes are found in the black population.

    The primary resistance that most of us have against “Drug War” policies, including prohibition and sentencing guidelines, is that they prospectively seek to penalize the poor amongst us. The theory is that most (if not all) black market participation is disproportionately associated with poverty. This of course is the cause for the rate difference in drug crimes Freddie alludes to.

    Chicken or Egg? Poverty relates to crime which relates to increased police activity which relates to increased incidence of arrests amongst the poor cohort, which of course is disproportionately minority in ethnic makeup. Assuming the poor are heavily involved in black market illicit drug sales, it follows that drug crimes will have a disproportionate incidence amongst minorities.

    Jonah’s response of course makes no sense in the logical context I described above. A prohibitionist such as himself can then only point to “race-based” trends in drug crimes as the causal link between incidence rates, or at the poverty link. The former is unsupported and baseless, the latter is a function of the black markets.

    Anti-prohibitionists have a clearer assessment of root causality here (the black market), therefore they have a better solution (get rid of, or at least minimize access too, this black market). [Sidenote: It's the EXACT same rationale someone like Jonah would use for supporting Second Ammendment rights - you can legally take away all our rights to firearms, but the criminals will still get their guns on the black market.] The prohibitionist will either ask for more police activity outside of high incidence areas, or for the eradication of poverty, or both. I think we know who has the easier solution.

  4. I’m glad you brought up the outsized place that opposition to Affirmative Action has in the minds of many, many, “Conservatives”.

    I used to be right with Goldberg but over time I noticed how many similar and greater injustices were ignored or rationalized by the people who claimed to share my opposition to the racism inherent in AA.

  5. [...] Please also see John Schwenkler and Mark [...]

  6. [...] Race and the Drug War Last Friday, Jonah Goldberg wrote a post at The Corner arguing that there is something “unlibertarian” about [...] [...]