Fortunately, Victor Davis Hanson does not teach modern European history:
There is one general rule about the history of the modern state of Germany since its inception in 1871: Anytime Germany has been both unified and isolated, armed conflict has followed.
We often scoff at such quaint historical laws — forgetting that World War I followed from the inability of the French to harness German nationalism after the Franco-Prussian War [bold mine-DL].
The causes of WWI were many and complicated, but I think I am on safe ground in saying that WWI did not follow “from the inability of the French to harness German nationalism after the Franco-Prussian War” (whatever that might mean). Germany wasn’t “isolated” in 1914, and that was part of the problem. It was lending its support to its Austro-Hungarian ally, which had been pursuing a policy in the Balkans that the Russians found increasingly difficult to tolerate, and it was forging closer ties with the Ottomans during the two decades before the war. Germany committed itself to backing the folly of its Austrian ally, which soon turned into a continental war once Russia began mobilizing against Austria and Germany responded by activating its own military plans against Russia and France. The Germans did feel threatened by the Franco-Russian alliance, which had come about partly because of the blundering of German foreign policy after Bismarck. That alliance did not lead to the start of the war by itself, but it guaranteed its escalation. Hanson seems to be reviving the most simplistic description of Germany’s WWI “war guilt” and using it as a starting point for his analysis of contemporary European politics.
Hanson’s poor explanation of the origins of WWI seems to be tied to his latest preoccupation, which is the idea that the eurozone crisis will somehow lead to German “rearmament” and new armed conflict in Europe. As Hanson admits, “The very thought of an armed, powerful — and increasingly exasperated — Germany, furious at its neighbors for a fourth time, seems silly, given the country’s success and security.” Yes, it does. So why has he written an entire column about it?



Mr Larison,
I greatly appreciate your column which is always profundly intelligent; and I totally agree with your main point (Hanson’s fears about Germany are just bizarre). However I have to disagree somewhat with your assesment of Austria-Hungary’s actions in 1914: in retrospect they can of course be seen as “folly” because they ultimately led to a continent-wide conflagration that destroyed Austria-Hungary and the entire pre-1914 system. But in my opinion the Austrians had every right to be outraged with Serbia over the assasination of archduke Franz-Ferdinand. The heir to the throne had been murdered by Serbian terrorists who had been trained and equipped by the Serbian secret service, quite possibly with the knowledge of Serbia’s civilian leadership. That just was a provocation too far and would have caused a harsh response by any great power at the time. I’d also say that Russia’s role in all of this (constantly stoking tensions by appeals to Panslavism) was far from benign. I personally have some sympathy for today’s Serbia and believe that the 1999 Kosovo war was highly unjust. But that shouldn’t colour one’s assessment of the situation in 1914. In many ways the Serbia of 1914 really was a “rogue state” destabilizing the Balkans; Austria-Hungary’s reaction to Sarajevo may have been foolish but it was also perfectly understandable.