Unscrupulous Ideologues
The conservative movement isn’t dangerous or “revanchist;” it’s just boring. Right-wing intellectuals should eschew the movement and reintegrate into the mainstream, not because the movement threatens the Republic, but because freedom of thought can only be found outside of it. ~Austin Bramwell
Via Rod
Bramwell has done a good job of critiquing Tanenhaus’ The Death of Conservatism, which he does again on the main blog here. In his earlier article, he makes the essential point that ideology and unscrupulous political opportunism are not opposites, but actually complement one another:
Tanenhaus misses that movements can become both unprincipled and tediously ideological at the same time. Nobody would accuse late Soviet commissars, for example, of a faithful commitment to socialist dogma. At the same time, the more their practices strayed from their principles, the more they clung to their creeds outworn. Similarly, the very emptiness of movement slogans is a sign not of fervent belief but the lack of it. Perhaps all movements end in some combination of hypocrisy and intellectual torpor. As Tanenhaus observes, creative and original writers are abandoning the movement. Those left behind are just going through the motions.
What is important for understanding ideology is recognizing that it is perfectly malleable depending on the needs of the movement and/or party. This means that if the immediate political needs of movement or party require incredible intellectual contortionism or flat-out contradictions of stated beliefs, political needs will win out and the “substance” of the ideology, such as it is, will be made to fit. One of the depressing things about movement conservatism is simply that it is a movement, and like other programmatic movements the perpetuation of its own existence and its access to power becomes the only enduring part of the program. Dissenters are purged in different waves, and those doing the purging in one wave may end up as the victims of the next. Today it is imperative to back the NEP, and tomorrow it is a death sentence. This is why it is probably wise not to try to outdo rival factions in ideological zeal, especially because this zeal is not an expression of deep devotion to enduring truths but an attachment to power and its trappings.
This is related to the troubled relationship of conservative elites and the grassroots and to the broader problem of nationalism on the American right. To some significant degree, the grassroots believe what they are told conservatism is, and it seems to me that the elites reconcile the definition of conservatism they hand down with how political conservatives actually govern by wrapping everything in the banner of Americanism. Government can expand enormously, so long as it is doing so in the name of spreading and/or defending freedom. This is tied to the mythology of American exceptionalism and mission that many conservatives believe that they alone accept, and any trampling of actual constitutional liberties can be justified so long as it is being done to “protect” America. Insofar as their nationalism tells them that country, people and government are bound up together opposition to any policies related to this can and must be defined as “un-American,” “anti-American” and “unpatriotic.”




While not negating your analysis I want to put forward the case for another dynamic in-play.
Cognitive dissonance gets kicked around in popular parlance too much. But I think in the case of the past nine years, it has played a big part in what we see. Time and again in talking with fellow conservatives who defended Bush and his idiotic wars, it came down to an emotional refusal to accept that the man they voted for had betrayed them so badly. In their minds, it just couldn’t be! The theory predicts that the worse the underlying discomfort with a choice, the greater the attachment to the choice. It was so much easier to rally to the leader and keep on-side than doubt and accept the sordidness of what was clearly happening.
In one case only did I manage to break through. In the middle of a Bush defense rant, by my best friend, I mentioned how some of Bush’s policies had made his own life difficult. Then, I said “You do know that Bush is an idiot, right”? He paused, eyes scanning the (empty) room as if for some spy, and silently nodded his ascent.. Thus are ordinary conservatives rendered into “Good Germans.”
The same thing is going on today. Obama looks us in the eye and emits patent falsehoods. Even after Clinton and Bush, middle of the road Americans still can’t bring themselves top believe that the President is capable of such bald face behavior. I don’t think this is because they are stupid. With the theory, I suggest that the unsettling prospect of living in a country where no one, no one at all, can be trusted is just too much for them to bear.
I was going to post the same thing as Gordianus. And I think it’s gonna stay that way until some Presidential candidate or other GOP leader has what it takes to separate themselves from Bush and admit Bush and Cheney did alot of wrong, unlike McCain in 2008, who, contrary to his rhetoric, just sucked up to the Bush Coalition, even on torture.
Moderate Rebublicans started out saying, Bush can’t possibly be as bad as the liberals say he is, while condemning the worst and most obvious abuses. And the evidence, as yet, for most of his abuses was thin.
As the evidence has since drifted in that most of what liberals claimed was actually true, I’ve seen hardly any of the Republican parts of the Bush II Coalition actually confront that evidence. The near-identity of said coalition to those crabby about Obama makes me wonder if some weird kind of projection’s at work.
It was the same thing before the Civil War, as Pierce and Buchanan’s ineptitude in keeping the Union together resulted in the complete disintegration of us Democrats, with the conquent emergence of another party you might’ve heard of – the GOP.