Ross Douthat has a really interesting post about race and American politics. He takes issue with Jonathan Chait’s contention that white identity politics holds the GOP together. Ross concedes that there’s something to that, but that introducing race into the discussion makes it hard to discern important differences. Ross says that works both ways, then analyzes how the appeal of the Democratic Party among Hispanics depends on an explicit promise to make Hispanics beneficiaries “with very explicit and specific promises of special legal treatment (in hiring, government contracting, college admissions, immigration policy, etc.) based on their ethno-racial background.
If these promises help cement a new Democratic majority, then (to repurpose Chait’s analysis) the new progressive era he envisions will depend, no less than the conservative era that preceded it, on “ethnocentrism” and “racial resentment” and “ingroup solidarity.” If anything, the racial element will be even more explicit: Chait’s emerging Democratic majority will be less a rational coalition of ideological interests and more a kind of a race-based spoils system, in which progressive elites exploit a system of racial preferences designed to provide temporary assistance to the descendants of slaves to supply a permanent form of race-based patronage for America’s fastest-growing ethnic group.
Is this an unfairly reductionist take on liberalism, the Hispanic vote and Democratic coalition politics? Absolutely. But it’s no more reductionist or unfair than Chait’s race-based analysis of what makes modern conservatism tick.



The big difference is that there aren’t enough Hispanics (or African-Americans) to put together a coalition that simply appeals to them. The white vote for Democrats will continue to be the plurality vote, and probably the majority vote. So there are limit conditions on promises to Hispanics (which, I think, is why you don’t see Obama trying to force an immigration bill through).
It’s different if you’re the powerful majority. You can just address the problem brutally, as was done in Germany or, for most of the last century, the South.
And on that account, you don’t need particularly good Hispanic Americans or even particularly bad Republican White Americans to feel very differently about the two situations..